When I was a kid in the Marines, I remember the first place I saw the WHITE ONLY, COLORED ONLY signs. They were on the wall in this train station in Rocky Mountain, North Carolina. . . . I’ll never forget seeing them, never. We all had our green Marine Corps uniforms on, but the colored kids had to go one way while the white kids could go the other way. All of us probably ended up in Vietnam. I know I did. I don’t know whose freedom I was fighting for, but I know whose freedom I won, and that was mine.
— Corporal Albert French
Sammy Davis, Jr., a United Service Organizations performer and part of President Nixon’s anti-drug program, talks with troops at Bien Hoa Air Force Base, Vietnam on February 22, 1972. Davis, a World War II veteran, observed a different military experience in Vietnam: “They’re regarding men as individuals. When I was in the Army, I was on a post where a colored guy couldn’t get his hair cut.” (National Archives)
African American troops served in the military with distinction during the Vietnam War. In the 1960s and 1970s, the United States’ long history of racial inequality and segregation culminated in the civil rights movement. The social and political turmoil crept through American society, including the U.S. military.
At the same time, the military organization struggled with its own forms of institutional discrimination. As the war progressed and the nature of the unrest in U.S. society evolved, the military experienced changes in its mission, organization, and personnel. Within this context, African American Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, and Marines faced a unique and difficult challenge. They bravely served their country while simultaneously bearing the burden of second-class citizenship. Their stories help demonstrate the variety of American experiences in the Vietnam-era military.
A LEGACY OF MILITARY SERVICE
Even before the American Revolution, African Americans served in the military. Through World War II, however, they generally served in segregated units. Despite inequality, they served for a variety of reasons—including patriotism, adventure, and a desire to prove their loyalty and claim first-class citizenship.
Lieutenant Colonel Harry Townsend (left) of the 268th Combat Aviation Brigade stands in front of his helicopter with the Sergeant Major, South Vietnam, 1967. (Courtesy of Colonel [Retired] Harry Townsend).
As African American officers faced a Communist enemy in Southeast Asia, they also struggled for equal opportunity rather than tokenism. Racial tensions rose throughout the war and the need for African American leadership became apparent, but the percentages of African American officers did not change significantly. In 1962, African Americans constituted less than 2 percent of the officer corps in all services, and ten years later approximately 2.3 percent. Lingering institutional discrimination affected their ability to advance. Weak officer evaluations from the 1950s, a remnant of more overt discrimination, could damage overall efficiency ratings, blocking promotions and command experience. In 1968, Frederic E. Davison became the first African American to lead an active combat brigade when he commanded the 199th Light Infantry Brigade in Vietnam. Other African American officers likewise achieved a number of firsts throughout the era. But as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Equal Opportunity, and Vietnam veteran, H. Minton Francis pointed out in 1974, “the very fact that women and minorities still make news when they are placed in [these] positions . . . makes it evident, in their perceptions, that it is a one-of-a-kind advancement.
In 1948, President Harry S. Truman issued an executive order mandating the desegregation of the armed forces. The process took time, and the armed forces did not fully desegregate until the end of the Korean War (1950–1953). With this step, the military became one of the first large institutions in the United States to desegregate, gaining a reputation as a relatively progressive organization. Throughout the 1950s, many in the African American community perceived military service as a path to greater social and economic opportunity, and they enlisted and reenlisted in proportionally larger numbers than other segments of the population. Vietnam veteran Brigadier General J. Timothy Boddie entered the Air Force in 1954. He grew up learning about that legacy of military service, and wanted to fly fighter planes like the famed World War II pilots, the Tuskegee Airmen.
By the beginning of the Vietnam War, the racial climate in the military had improved. The Department of Defense not only desegregated
the military in the 1950s, but also on-base schools for military dependents and civilian defense facilities as well. Yet despite these efforts, as the United States sent increasing numbers of troops to Southeast Asia in the 1960s, racial inequality in the armed forces persisted. African Americans entered the military in large numbers as volunteers and draftees, and they continued facing discrimination in areas such as training, promotions, assignments, and administration of military justice.
THE EARLY YEARS, 1961–1967
During the advisory period and as the war escalated, African Americans consistently volunteered and reenlisted, serving in numbers roughly proportionate to their overall population percentage. Many volunteered for combat units because, as African American Green Beret Melvin Morris pointed out, “it was the prestigious thing to do, and if you got in, you went.” These units also offered faster promotions and additional pay.
Air Force F-4 pilot Major J. Timothy Boddie, Jr. receives a patch for his 200th combat mission, including 57 missions over North Vietnam, in summer 1967. The majority of African Americans in the Air Force were concentrated in administration, air police, food service, and supply and transportation. (Courtesy of Brigadier General [Retired] James Timothy Boddie, Jr.)
By 1966, African Americans represented over 20 percent of the Army’s two airborne units in Vietnam. At the same time, African Americans frequently lacked access to the same economic and educational resources as whites. They were less likely to receive occupational or educational deferments, and they scored lower on military entrance examinations, leaving them ineligible for some of the more technical military occupational specialties.
Most of the prejudices, for a while, went away. Even though blacks were into their Black Power salute, and a few whites had their confederate flags and stuff, there was a togetherness that I think you can only get in times of peril.
— Chief Warrant Officer 3 Doris Allen
In addition, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara (1961–1968) introduced “Project 100,000” in 1966, a program in which the military began accepting men who did not meet physical or mental standards in order to satisfy growing personnel requirements. The secretary hoped to provide disadvantaged groups with educational and medical support, and valuable skills for post-military life. The project ran for six years and some 350,000 “New Standards Men” served. These men were disproportionately southerners and African Americans, and frequently landed in combat specializations with little marketability in civilian life.
Captain Don Phillips (left) of the 173d Airborne Brigade discusses artillery support for upcoming operations with a forward observer, November 10, 1966.
Colonel (Retired) Phillips’ daughter, historian Kimberley L. Phillips, later recalled the paradox of African Americans defending the freedoms they were often denied at home: “This is forever etched in my brain. When I was not even 6-years old we were traveling [from Fort Benning, GA] across to Los Angeles. . . . we could not stop for food because we were black. . . . My dad was off to Vietnam, but he could not stop along the highway to get something to eat.” (National Archives)
These high ratios of African Americans in combat produced proportionally larger black casualties through 1968 [table 4]. The Department of Defense recognized this disparity and worked to remedy the imbalance, but the damage had already occurred. Even with the corrections, the perception of inequality in conscription and assignment remained, and many in the African American community began speaking out against the war. Discontent with systemic discrimination against black troops fed into a growing unrest over urban racism and inequality across the United States. It was one of many factors contributing to volatile civil rights protests in several northern U.S. cities in 1967. Leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr. condemned the use of black troops to “guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem,” and urged young African American men toward conscientious objection. Only weeks after King took a stand on Vietnam, heavyweight boxing champion Muhammad Ali refused to serve and received a conviction for draft evasion, later overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Former military heavyweight boxing champion Staff Sergeant Percy J. Price (left) leads Marines on an operation south of Da Nang in 1967. African American officers and non-commissioned officers led squads, platoons, and companies as part of the III Marine Amphibious Force in Vietnam. (National Archives)
A GROWING RACIAL CONSCIOUSNESS
You’re over here in this heat . . . in this hellhole, and then look, just look at what’s back there waiting for me.
— Specialist Fourth Class Russel Campbell, 1968
These divisions on the home front affected African Americans in the military and of military age. The African American veterans who served early in the war finished their tours in Vietnam and in the wake of the 1968 Tet Offensive larger numbers of draftees entered the military. African Americans continued to volunteer, some seeking to escape the urban poverty and unrest that swept the nation. But the growing radicalism of the civil rights movement spread within the military, affecting the wave of new service members in Southeast Asia. By the late 1960s, mounting numbers of American troops of all races reflected these attitudes from the home front and opposed the war. One African American journalist spent a month interviewing African American GI’s in Vietnam in April 1968, and found that 80–85 percent of the interviewees expressed negative feelings about the war or the military’s treatment of African Americans, frequently both. Many of them joined a rising subculture of increased black nationalism, and some began displaying symbols of racial pride such as black power salutes or “dapping,” a gesture of racial solidarity.
Clyde Fields (left) and another American soldier “dap” with a Chu Hoi Vietnamese soldier, a Communist defector, at an American fire support base in South Vietnam, 1970–1971. This formal greeting was a gesture of camaraderie, and the more elaborate “dap” could take a number of minutes to perform, occasionally to the exasperation of fellow white soldiers. (Courtesy of Clyde Fields)
These high ratios of African Americans in combat produced proportionally larger black casualties through 1968. The Department of Defense recognized this disparity and worked to Members of the 25th Infantry Division load their gear as they prepare to cross remedy the imbalance, but the damage had already occurred. Even with the corrections, the perception of inequality in conscription and assignment remained.
Members of the 25th Infantry Division load their gear as they prepare to cross a canal in a 3-man assault boat, May 13, 1968. (National Archives)
African American military personnel after 1968 represented a new mentality. Only a few steps removed from the movements on the home front, black service members around the world (including some career military personnel) became less willing to tolerate systemic discrimination, cultural intolerance, or overt bigotry such as racial epithets, expressions of white supremacy, and Confederate flags. African American and white military personnel grew increasingly distrustful of one another. Racism, misunderstanding, and a Department of Defense largely unprepared to address institutional inequalities left an environment primed for racial conflict.
South Vietnamese soldiers walk past an American Marine’s tent with the Confederate flag flying above it, 1968. The display of the Confederate flag generated tensions between black and white American troops in Vietnam. (U.S. Marine Corps History Division)
TURMOIL IN THE MILITARY
It is self-deception to think that [American service members] . . . come untainted by the prejudices of the society which produced them. They do not. — Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt, Chief of Naval Operations, 1972
As Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt described, a tumultuous home front certainly affected race relations overseas, and the military consistently blamed the problems it faced on the unrest within U.S. society. Yet some historians argue that a home front in turmoil and increasing proportions of draftees were insufficient in explaining the racial discord that emerged within the military. By 1969, poor discipline and low morale plagued the U.S. military in Vietnam. Disillusionment with the war filtered in from society, but the military also increasingly suffered from leadership deficiencies. Scandals and cover-ups such as those surrounding the My Lai massacre hinted at a larger breakdown in the professionalism of the officer corps.
A U.S. Navy Mobile Construction Battalion (Seabees) lays explosive lines to clear a route of buried mines to construct roads in South Vietnam, September 1970. By 1972, as news of the riots aboard the Kitty Hawk and Constellation spread throughout the Navy, it awoke underlying racial tensions between Seabees at Naval Station Midway Island leading to violence between black and white Seabees. (Navy History and Heritage)
And the non-commissioned officer (NCO) corps faced problems as well. The standard one-year fixed tour in Vietnam meant that many NCOs rotated home just as they accumulated leadership experience, and an NCO shortage as early as 1967 led to accelerated training programs. Tensions between career military personnel and younger troops also produced mistrust. With the emergence of the White House’s Vietnamization policy in 1969, American service members of all races increasingly saw little point in fighting and risking death in Vietnam as the United States openly sought to extricate itself from the war.
Specialist Fourth Class Esther M. Gleaton works as a clerk-typist for the Women’s Army Corps detachment at Long Binh in Vietnam, 1968–1969. (Women’s Memorial Foundation Collection)
Beginning in 1968, those tensions erupted into violence on bases in the United States and in Vietnam. By the summer, African Americans made up almost half of the prison population of the major stockades in Vietnam, despite constituting less than 11 percent of the armed forces. Factors such as inconsistent sentencing for minor infractions contributed to these disparities. On August 15, 1968 at the Navy’s Da Nang Brig in Vietnam, a group of mainly black prisoners fought with white prisoners and guards. It took commanding officers nearly a day to restore order. Two weeks later, on August 29, a small scuffle between black and white prisoners at the Army’s Long Binh Jail escalated into disorder and arson throughout the compound as several hundred black prisoners took control of the facility and held it for a month. Between January and September 1969, more than 20 violent racial altercations occurred between U.S. troops in Vietnam.
At the 1966 U.S. Coast Guard Academy commencement ceremonies, Colonel Merle J. Smith, Sr. (right) congratulates his son, Ensign Merle J. Smith, Jr., while Commandant Admiral Willard J. Smith observes. Merle Smith, Jr. was the first African American Coast Guard Academy graduate, and in 1969 he commanded a patrol boat in Vietnam, becoming the first sea-service African American to receive a Bronze Star. (U.S. Coast Guard Historian’s Office)
The majority of racial violence occurred at large bases or support units “in the rear.” In the field, where men depended on their comrades for survival, troops had less opportunity or motivation to engage in racist practices or political disputes. Vietnam veteran General Colin Powell, a major in 1968, recalled that, “Our men in the field, trudging through elephant grass under hostile fire, did not have time to be hostile toward each other. But bases . . . were increasingly divided by the same racial polarization that had begun to plague America.”
Army nurse Captain Joyce Johnson treats a patient at Long Binh in 1967. She recalled of her fellow nurses in Vietnam: “The esprit de corps was automatic. We were all there for the same reasons, no matter where or what part of the country we had come from, we had the same goal. . . . You knew what had to be done. And you could do it.” (Courtesy of Lieutenant Colonel [Retired] Dr. Joyce Bowles)
While the records of their service are incomplete, somewhere between 7,000 and 11,000 American women volunteered and served in Vietnam. Statistics on African American women are even less available. On a daily basis, African American women faced a variety of challenges in the military, notably racial discrimination and gender bias. They performed a range of important tasks in Vietnam, however, from nursing to intelligence analysis, and many of these women observed that when it came to racial problems, “we don’t have time for that.”
While their stories are largely absent from the Vietnam War narrative, their military service and leadership in the officer and nurse corps challenged contemporary ideas about gender. At that time, African American women rarely held leadership positions over groups that included white men. Some activist servicewomen united with other activists in the military. Even as civilian women activists complained of sexism in the civil rights and antiwar movements, military activists at times exhibited greater gender cooperation and equality, challenging prevailing gender stereotypes.
An African American radio operator in the 1st Marine Division receives a haircut in the field, June 18, 1969. Barbers remained largely inexperienced in cutting African American hair until the military expanded its diversity program and began providing them with training in 1973. (U.S. Marine Corps History Division)
Both the Army and Marine Corps struggled to control the racial unrest through 1970. Initially, the Air Force and Navy avoided the racial violence. With more technical and rear-echelon assignments, those two services could recruit a better-educated and more homogeneous enlisted demographic, often men who sought to avoid being drafted into the ground forces. As one African American lieutenant commander noted, “You could go aboard a carrier with 5,000 people . . . . walk into the areas where I work with all the sophisticated computers, and it would look as if there were no blacks on the entire ship.”
Mineman Second Class Franklin Marshall, part of the Navy Explosive Ordnance Disposal team responsible for harbor security, searches for mines, especially those attached to ships’ hulls, April 1966. (Naval History and Heritage Command)
When President Richard M. Nixon scaled back the draft in the early 1970s and moved toward an all-volunteer force, however, that predominantly white recruitment pool narrowed. In 1972, major riots occurred on the aircraft carriers USS Kitty Hawk and USS Constellation.
In response to the unrest, the Department of Defense began implementing reform programs in 1969, including a review of the military justice system and founding the Defense Race Relations Institute in 1971 to educate its leadership about diversity and tolerance. The programs alleviated some of African American troops’ grievances, but imbalances remained as the military moved toward an all-volunteer force in 1973.
CONCLUSION
Lieutenant Colonel Roscoe Robinson (right) shows Major General John J. Tolson his unit’s position on a map during Operation PEGASUS to lift the siege of Khe Sanh, April 6–8, 1968. Robinson became the first African American four-star general in the U.S. Army in 1982. (National Archives)
African American veterans experienced the war in a variety of ways; there was no standard narrative or story. Lieutenant General Larry Jordan, a second lieutenant in Vietnam, recalled that it made him into a better leader: “I can honestly say I think my Vietnam experience was a good one. I don’t regret going, I did what the nation asked me to do.” First Lieutenant Joseph Biggers expressed dismay about coming back to the United States and facing criticism from some African American activists who denounced him as part of an unjust system. Each sacrificed for his country despite facing a determined enemy in Vietnam and the added burden of discrimination.
Captain Joan Ford, a flight nurse with the 56th Aeromedical Evacuation Squadron, greets ambulatory patients as they board a C-141 aircraft at Clark Air Base in the Philippines for airlift home, March 1966. The military often evacuated wounded servicemen from Vietnam to the Philippine Islands for immediate medical care. (National Archives)
The hurdles that African American veterans confronted paved the way for important reforms in the Department of Defense that improved conditions for future generations of service members. Both during and after the war, the Department of Defense began to modernize its equal opportunity system and improve cross-cultural communication. Equal opportunity remains a challenge, and African Americans in the military still face systemic inequalities such as low representation in the officer corps. Yet these veterans left an enduring legacy: thanks in part to their experiences and struggles, the military has undergone racial progress since the 1960s and 1970s.
A GRATEFUL NATION THANKS AND HONORS OUR VIETNAM VETERANS
NOTE: This article is part of a series commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Vietnam War and originally published in 2012. The Vietnam War Commemoration website provides resources such as historically accurate materials and interactive resources, posters, fact sheets, primary sources, and maps. African Americans in the Vietnam War is presented here in its entirety as it appears on the website:
http://www.vietnamwar50th.com/assets/1/7/African_Americans_in_the_Vietnam_War.pdf
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I enjoyed it , it opened my eyes to things I didn’t know , like the “Stockard population , being 50% black , and the confusion, for young Soldiers dealing with segregation “and serving a country that allows these vestiges “, of racism to still exist .in the Military.
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We had a saying in the military. There are two things you will never find in a foxhole. A racist and an atheist.
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Do you recall the punishment meted out to anyone violating the signage? Did local authorities have jurisdiction or did Corps? Would Corps intervene to protect Marines? Locals ignored fact that AA’s were in uniform representing US and going to VN to provide very freedoms to VN that were denied to AA’s, at home. Mindless bigotry knows no bounds or morality.
On Fri, 12 Jul 2019 at 06:14 CherriesWriter – Vietnam War website wrote:
> Paul Mirich commented: “We had a saying in the military. There are two > things you will never find in a foxhole. A racist and an atheist.” >
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All of the ARTICLE’s are good info. but when I was in Nam all the Men had the same color none that is we were all the same.
I remember one day I was filling up sandbags with a black Man his name got me laughing he showed me his dog Tags to prove to me that was his Name
Believe it or not his name was Jessie James. so I got talking to him while filling sandbags and I seen a shovel come at me I asked Jessie why he through his shovel at me and he said look at the ground and there about to 2 feet from me was a ed Snake coming at me he hi it on the head cutting it off
So jokingly I said to Jessie I’m glad you guys are spear chuckers and he laughed his but off Good times I lost contact with him after Nam Wish i could locate him and talk about the good times we had
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Great article! And the commentaries are important too – we need to continue our national dialogue about race and experiences in this country. This is how we come to understand each other. Usually the online comments end up being displays of pettiness and only “stir the pot” of anger and idiocy. These comments are, for the most part, respectfully submitted perspectives and opinions. Is that because most of them come from military vets? Either way, keep it up folks. We have a ways to go still – but we will get there. I have faith in US!
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While I was in V.N, ’66/’67 there were no African Americans; they were all Americans to everyone in my Unit. And we fought & bled daily by one another’s side because we were all Family;closer than Our Blood Families. Anyway,the way it’s seems to me is there are no African Americans, Irish Americans, Italian Americans,etc.; for we @ one time Our Ancestors were immigrants & we all became Americans. The ONLY TRUE ones this land belongs to is the Indian—-not American Indian but Indian because before we came here there was no America. So if anybody has the right to bitch about anything;it’s the Indians.
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army engineers port construction-cam ron bay-long bein did work aft both sites.group of 10 or twenty friends all races would party every night all races American indian black white Asian-we all liked to smoke listen to music we worked together partied together–good tour…arrived in Vietnam told to get on the truck ended up port construction ! one month passed out the letter to everyone from home fun job seeing every one as the mail clerk was great…
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Coming from northern New England I don’t remember ever seeing a real live black person before going to boot camp in 1967. As such they were a mystery to me and a curiosity. I came to know some well after boot camp and served and got along well with them in my unit. Viet Nam in 1968 was a very dangerous place and we took care of each other. Late in 68 was my first introduction to racism as some replacement blacks came with very big chips on their shoulders. My old black friends did not abandon me and to this day they would be welcome in my home.
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Hi John,
Another great post and subject that is appropriate considering the current political climate. When I went into the Air Force in 1966, I saw no segregation during basic training and even my medic training. However, when I got permanently assigned back to Lackland AFB and Wilford Hall hospital, my barracks was segregated. One wing was black only. To be honest, I don’t know if the barracks was purposely segregated or the men chose to separate themselves. I never hung out in the barracks after work and I never witnessed any problems. Any training bases I went, I never remember any segregation of barracks or training. When in Nam, I never saw any problems. In saying that, there were individual problems over racism. But I never saw it go beyond individual disagreements. I know there were problems in the military, but I never witnessed it. I’m sure I was fortunate not to be exposed.
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Remember it well! Was in the Navy from 1960 to 1979. Sat on a board while stationed in DC to try and eliminate institutional racism. Remember the race problems aboard ship.
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A good article which discusses a sensitive but real issue during the Vietnam War. I was witness to both ends of this during my time in the U.S. military and service in Vietnam; institutional racial discrimination against blacks, and violent backlash by groups of blacks both in Vietnam and stateside duty. Between the quagmire in Vietnam and the racial conflicts in all units, it was a difficult time for the U.S. military.
One of the characters in my book “The Kansas NCO” is based upon a black NCO I knew who was a victim of institutional racial discrimination. He was the finest NCO I had come across during my four years in the Air Force, but despite an outstanding and unblemished career he was only an E-5 after twelve years in the service. I held the same rank as him after only three years of service despite the fact that he had much more seniority and was a much better Airman than I was.
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I was drafted from Grand Rapids, Michigan in May 1967. Other than some members of a “colored” church of our same denomination I was rarely exposed to any blacks.
My Mom was from Texas and grew up knowing some very impoverished black families. Texas was the first time I ever experienced separate bathroom and drinking fountains as a small boy when we visited relatives there.
My training unit at Ft Knox was filled with people from the Detroit area which included many blacks. I got to know them quite well. We also had black drill instructors and officers.
My first duty assignment was to an Old Guard Infantry unit in Washington, DC. The Mess SGT, 1st SGT, CO and XO were all black. I was counseled by them about the use of the word nigger from an unfortunate incident that I was involved in while there. After that I never used that description again.
I was ordered to Vietnam and ended up at USARV HQs in Long Binh which was a lucky break for an infantryman. I rarely had any interaction with blacks while there though.
I joined the Army Reserves a few years after I returned home and was friends with many blacks. I always treated them fairly and they treated me fairly. The same thing happened in my civilian X Ray Tech job.
I volunteered for Desert Storm and ended up with a Georgia National Guard medical unit out of Macon. The races in that unit got along well but normally kept with their own race during down time.
The military helped me to know and appreciate other ethnicities and made me a better person.
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Why do white people hate the Black Man after all we are all Human
Wake up people the Civil War is Over and so is Segregation.
Try to get along with any color skin it matters not the color it is the Man inside that color that makes all the differents
WE all bleed the same color
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This is a politically correct slather. My experience in the Army was that you got into technical fields because of aptitude and testing and if you didn’t have skills and abilities you ended up on the front line, unless you wanted to be there. The article does show that the percentage of blacks was 11%, but that is not a preponderance of blacks being abused. The population of blacks has always been between 12-13% nationwide since the census of 1860 until today. The article points up the perception that black racist influences (black racism and black Power, I won’t be politically correct) came from Stateside. They did! Huey Newton, Stokley Carmichael and other Black Panthers and racists like the Black Muslims brought racial divide and violence to Vietnam. I vividly remember such racism arriving in my Company in Vietnam quickly in 1969 explosively and undermining unit cohesion overnight. Racism in Vietnam came from black nationalism and black whining in the States, Before that dark cloud arrived, the unit was solid and nobody thought any thing about race. We were all one. Things changed spontaneously and explosively and the radical and belligerent attitudes put back the advancement of the black man overnight and inflamed reactions, resentments and distrust .
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After basic in August 1962,traveling across Texas and we encountered segregated dining areas and bathrooms. In 1973 on shore patrol in Subic Bay, Olongapo, we would have to patrol bars in what was referred to as the Jungle. We did not go in them with less than 4 men.
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Yes this is true. I was with the Cav in ‘67 and we’re all really tight but when I went back with the 101st the situation was absurd with outright Racisn from both sides. One night it actually turned into a Firefight within the Camp. It was a breaking point fo me.
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Wow. Black whining in the states. Just after segregation. At the beginning of the dismantling of Jim Crow. Whining. See, this kind of language is why our country is weaker. There is an absence of empathy. I am speechless.
Daughter of a Vietnam Veteran
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You should re-read Cpl. French’s comment. White and black uniformed Marines, in North Carolina, had to use segregated toilets. So, who really brought racism into play? Huey, Stokely, Malcolm were reacting to racial prejudice and black soldiers saw it, in VN., such as, when some white southerners chose to display confederate flags.
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Very true! I saw the racial tensions and riots with my own eyes. Even though we were in a war a white and black separation in the military existed!
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This is a terrific Page. My main buddy with 1st Air Cav was Black from ‘Bama. We’re still close friends. It’s great to see a welsite where the Afro-American exeperience is highlighted.
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Thanks Jerome! I too have a Black friend that I served with – he’s local and both our mom’s used to compare notes whenever receiving a letter from us in the Nam. Steve Blackburn and I will be meeting up soon with another friend in Ohio.
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Dear Sir:
Have been following your “Cherries – A Vietnam War Novel” for some time now and find it very, very useful in my research on that experience. This one, re: our African-American troops, is esp. helpful as I am writing a screenplay (yes, I am!) based on experiences my late husband shared with me, including his good friend “Johnny,” whom he described as a rather big guy, but one of his very best friends, and a wonderful person. Johnny was, however, sadly lost over there.
THANK YOU! – for this wonderful read. Am SO grateful for all of you guys who served, esp. when you have mostly been discounted and underappreciated (to say the least!).
Sharon Metro
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Thank you, Sharon! Good luck on your screenplay! Hugs!
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